The same six weeks of early 1968 appear three times in The 33 Strategies of War, doing three incompatible jobs.
In Strategy 12 it is the masterstroke. Khe Sanh is the bait Westmoreland wanted, the targets are chosen for the cameras rather than for the ground, Cronkite goes to Saigon, and the New Hampshire primary follows. Tet collapses American public support and thereby wins the war. That reading is on The Tet Offensive as Grand Strategy.
Fourteen chapters later, in Strategy 26, it is the symptom. The guerrilla's clock has run out. In Greene's own words the North Vietnamese drew the war out to a point where it was also costing them too much, and Tet is the forced acceleration of a side that could no longer afford to wait. That reading is on Strategy 26 — The Strategy of the Void and Time and Space as Offensive Weapons.
Five chapters after that, in Strategy 31, it is neither. It is a technical infiltration case: months of prior work inside the Hue Citadel, sympathisers already in place, tunnels, stockpiles, more men walked in dressed as peasants during the holiday, confederates opening the gates, command structure taken out first. See The Blooming Lotus.
There is no cross-reference between any of the three. And behind all of them the vault holds a fourth position: Tet Offensive Media Coverage, which argues from the Braestrup and Freedom House literature that the reporting was substantially accurate, that it matched Pentagon assessments, and that public opinion held steady until elite opinion moved.
Any one of these readings can be argued. Two of them can even be held together — an offensive can be both a desperate acceleration and, by accident, a decisive one. That's ordinary historical complexity and it wouldn't be worth a page.
What's worth a page is that Greene doesn't hold them together. He deploys them separately, and each time the causal role Tet plays is precisely the one the surrounding chapter needs.
So the case doesn't constrain the argument. The argument selects the case, and then selects which face of the case to show. Run that observation back across the build and it stops being about Vietnam: Hitchcock supplies four different methods, the 1937 LBJ congressional campaign supplies three different lessons, Metternich supplies four, Cortés supplies four, and Frederick's Silesia gamble is a triumph in Strategy 29 and — under the name the Miracle of the House of Brandenburg — a near-catastrophe in Strategy 11, sixteen years later, over the same territory.
Here's the part that makes it a collision rather than a complaint. The book contains its own diagnosis. In Strategy 29 Greene pauses to argue that our sense of human aggressiveness is an illusion produced by salience — conflict compels disproportionate attention, so a sample drawn from what grabs you is a biased sample. That argument is on Conservatism as the Exploited Constant. He aims it at the reader's model of human nature. He never aims it at his own case file.
A historical case study cannot falsify a strategic claim, because the case is always available in more than one causal shape, and the shape you get is chosen by the claim you brought. Tet is the cleanest possible demonstration: one event, one author, one book, three mutually exclusive roles, no contradiction visible from inside any single chapter.
If that holds, the implication for reading this genre is sharp and practical. The test of a strategy book isn't whether its cases are true — they usually are, at the level of names and dates. It's whether any case in it could have come out the other way and still been printed. In The 33 Strategies of War the answer is close to no, and the Tet trio is the receipt: the one event that did come out three ways came out three ways because three chapters needed three things.
[SPECULATIVE] — the strong version of this ("case studies can never constrain claims") is too strong. The defensible version is narrower: retrospective single-case selection by an author who also controls the framing supplies illustration and not evidence.